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The Specter of Communism in Hawaii, by T. Michael Holmes
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- Sales Rank: #3639248 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Univ of Hawaii Pr
- Published on: 1994-03
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.50" h x 6.25" w x 1.00" l, 1.13 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 257 pages
Features
- Used Book in Good Condition
From the Back Cover
The end of the cold war and the collapse of the Soviet Union have spurred historian T. Michael Holmes to look back to the years 1947-1953, when the territory of Hawaii was gripped by the specter of communism. Holmes begins by remembering the U.S. response to communism from the time of the Russian Revolution through the careers of America's most famous anticommunists, Richard M. Nixon and Joseph R. McCarthy; he also provides a brief account of the events that led to Hawaii's "red scare". The focus then shifts to a single critical year, bounded by Governor Ingram M. Stainback's 1947 declaration of war against communism in Hawaii and the 1948 dismissal of school teachers John and Aiko Reinecke. During this year the two primary targets of the anticommunists were revealed: the ILWU and the Democratic party. Finally Holmes looks at the 1949 longshore strike, the Hawaii hearings of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, and the last major thrust of militant anticommunism in Hawaii, the Smith Act trial of the Hawaii Seven. Based on an extensive record of public testimony, numerous personal interviews and letters, and a thorough examination of the newspapers of the day, The Specter of Communism in Hawaii is the most comprehensive work in print on Hawaii's anticommunist impulse.
About the Author
Holmes taught history at 'Iolani School, Hawaii Loa College, and the University of Hawai'i, and is now adjunct professor of history at the University of California, San Diego.
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1 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Not in the tourist ad
By R. L. Huff
This is the Hawaii that isn't featured in black-sand beach-blanket tourist ads. These are the islands of fruit and sugar plantations, of immigrant Asian workers struggling for basic dignity in a Pacific Mississippi. But not being black they had a minimal right to organize, giving birth to an explosive unionism that threatened the white elite. Out of this grew the Great Fear in its Hawaiian version, recounted at detailed length here in this fascinating local study.
Hawaiian McCarthyism was thus a political project of the state Republican Party to not only red-bait their Democrat rivals, but to undermine the source of Democrat strength by purging the unions and public sector employees of anyone opposing Hawaii's traditional social arrangements. Organizing labor became a subversive act in itself; to hold Marxist views made one a potentially violent threat to public order in the pay of an aggressive foreign power. In an island society like Hawaii, far from the strength of the mainland land mass and still well-remembering Pearl Harbor, such fears were easily stirred to the surface.
I do disagree, though, with Holmes' concluding contention that the "bosses' conspiracy" was as exaggerated as the alleged Communist one. Unlike the Communists, Hawaiian Republicans were a well-entrenched machine with the cogs of government, law, and the economy tripped in their favor. They could thus initiate conspiracies without having to look like conspirators, by just pulling the normal levers of state politics. By contrast, the Communist conspiracy had to be publicly exposed; and that the witch-hunters failed to find one proves the non-existence of the former and the failure of the desperate old elite to keep the levers in their grip.
For Hawaii's demographics had already begun changing. The old elite had its political back to the wall as the assimilated children of Asian immigrants fought for the US in WW II and entered politics: overwhelmingly in the Democratic Party, soon upending the Republican/white elite hegemony as then known. Only the emergence of Asian-American conservatives has given the Hawaiian GOP a new political hold. Much like post-affirmative action blacks who trash the civil rights movement, such new leaders owe their rise precisely to the defeat of the very party conservatism that they so embrace sixty years later.
5 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
Villains on every side
By Harry Eagar
Early in 1947, Territorial Gov. Ingram Stainback alerted the citizens of Hawaii to the danger of Communists in their midst. Thus began, years before Sen. Joe McCarthy ever met the Catholic bishops' agents that taught him redbaiting, the story of McCarthyism in the islands.
'Most Americans think about anticommunism as a cold war phenomenon,' writes Michael Holmes. They are right so to think, although in Hawaii it got confused with already existing political issues, which centered around business and labor, and a clash of interests defined ethnically.
A lot was going on in Hawaii between 1947 and 1953, when the furor slackened, but the story Holmes tells demonstrates, if anything, the bromide that all politics is local.
Certainly, the red scare in paradise had more to do with local politicking than with missives from Moscow, which does not also mean that Stalinism had nothing to do with it.
Stalinism had everything to do with it. Stainback's opportunism cannot cancel that out.
The crucial event in Hawaii's red scare was the dismissal of two public school teachers, John and Aiko Reinecke, for their alleged failure to adhere to 'the ideals of democracy.' The Reineckes became a celebrated cause of local leftists. 'My role in support of the Reineckes remains the greatest satisfaction of my professional life,' writes Holmes.
The ideology of Leninism-Stalinism had -- still has, for that matter -- an amazing capacity for confusing moral and legal issues that, one would think, should be fairly easy to keep distinct. No better example exists than the case of Dr. John Reinecke.
He and his wife were denied due process, there is no doubt about that. The self-appointed guardians of the ideals of democracy abused democracy grievously in hounding the Reineckes out of the classroom. And yet . . . John Reinecke was a Stalinist.
He did not adhere to the ideals of democracy. Morally he was unfit to teach or even be around impressionable young people. That's certain.
But democracy has a hard time defending itself against people like Reinecke, and he was masterful and cynical in using principles he abhorred against it. (I don't know about Aiko Reinecke. She has not, so far as I know, published a poltical apology, like her husband did in 1952. This has been conveniently reprinted, with an adoring introduction, by Alice and Edward Beechert as ' A Man Must Stand Up.' It is transparently deceptive. At this writing, 2006, Aiko Reinecke is the doyenne of Hawaiian leftists.)
John Reinecke was a Stalinist. Holmes fails to understand what this means. He writes, 'Whether (Reinecke) was a member of the Communist Party or not was irrelevant to the question of whether he possessed the 'ideals of democracy." ' To the contrary, it was the key fact.
Reinecke, the embittered son of a failed Kansas farmer, hated 'the stupidity of the the 100-percent Americans,' which in Hawaii at that time meant aligning himself with the struggling labor movement, especially the ILWU of Jack Hall and Harry Bridges.
Holmes asserts that almost all Hawaii union members were Communists. The Communists were the only people ready to teach workers to organize.
These men and women, isolated and poorly educated, were initially drawn to the glittering promises of Soviet Communism. As they gained experience, they quit the party.
But Reinecke was no mere naive leftist, though that is how he portrayed himself. He had the finest education available and trotted the globe. In the early '30s, he concluded that the Soviet Union was going ahead 'to build a socialist order in which everyone was sure of useful employment.' Except kulaks, of course.
Whether Reinecke was an active agent of worldwide revolution is irrelevant. Whether he chose Stalinism is not. The question is not whether John Reinecke was important to Josef Stalin but whether Josel Stalin was important to John Reinecke.
He denied, in 1952, having been a party-liner, but he had dropped his antifascims in August 1939 and resumed it in June 1941. This is diagnostic.
There were other incidents during the scare, including the trial of the Hawaii seven (Reinecke was one of them, too) under the Smith Act. It was an exciting time, and Holmes interviewed many of the participants. (Many were young in the late '40s-early '50s and were still around when this book was published in 1995, like Tom Yagi, since deceased, and Frank Fasi, still running for mayor of Honolulu from time to time.)
But 'Specter of Communism' is tendentious and while it is constantly interesting, I cannot recommend it to anyone who is not already familiar with the ins and outs of McCarthyism, or, more properly, Trumanism, since Harry Truman started it with his Loyalty Boards.
It is curious that this crisis, described by all who took part in it as profoundly important, disappeared almost overnight. Most of the participants did well out of it.
Stainback got what he wanted, a temporary advantage in a local election.
The union movement suffered a setback, but in its time of peril it purged itself of doubtful members and emerged with a core of adherents who really were committed to ideals of democracy. They collected their rewards in 1954 (when the unionist Democrats ousted the Republicans from the Legislature, where to this day they stay ousted).
John Reinecke did best of all. Had he ever fallen under the jurisdiction of his idol, he would certainly have gone where other high school teachers went -- as a slave to build the White Sea Canal. As it was, the government he despised and that acted so unfairly to him made handsome amends, with a $260,000 settlement (a direct outcome of Holmes's dissertation, which 'Specter' is) in 1967; and he and Aiko have been virtually canonized by Holmes and the Beecherts.
Mayor Johnny Wilson of Honolulu -- the man who invented the Hawaii Democratic Party -- was the big loser, with his political career ended by Fasi's red-baiting in the '54 primary.
Wilson was one of two people involved who came through the affair with their honor and ideals intact. The other was Jack Burns, who stuck by his leftist friends without soiling himself with any Stalinist muck.
The citizens of Hawaii rewarded him with the governorship.
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